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Blount Report: Affairs in Hawaii

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              766	HAWAIIAN  ISLANDS.

native Hawaiians is higher than that in any other nation in the world, illiteracy 
being practically unknown; and that, above all, he finds the native Hawaiian a 
peaceable, law-abiding citizen, not nearly so prone to violence and riot as his 
white brother. He finds further that, notwithstanding their unfortunate 
experience with some of the foreign residents in their midst, the people are 
endowed with a genial friendliness and hospitality, frankness and courtliness 
of manner, which, in many respects, makes them the peers of any race living, 
and strikes the stranger with wonder who has become familiar with the 
libelous charges so industriously circulated against the Hawaiians.
Returning to the political attitude of the saints, we find that the arrival of 
United States Minister Stevens gave a new impulse to their machinations. On 
his first presentation to the King, he presumed to give His Majesty a lecture in 
such an offensive mariner as to tempt the King to abruptly terminate the 
interview and to request Ins recall. Actual rupture on the occasion was, 
however, narrowly avoided and from this time on the American legation was 
the rallying point for the missionary annexation party. During the session of 
the Hawaiian Legislature of 1802, Hart well, Smith, Castle, Waterhouse, 
Thurston, Dole, Judd (the chief justice), and other leaders of the party were in 
the habit of meeting there from time to time to plan the overthrow of the 
monarchy without endangering their own precious carcasses. They had 
secured, at no little expense, the services of a cat in 1887 to get the chestnut for 
them, which through ignorance and carelessness they subsequently lost. It had 
been an expensive and sorrowful lesson to them.
Now if they could only induce Stevens to take the part of the cat in the new 
venture it would be a great improvement on their first effort. In the first place 
it would be much .less expensive (which to the saints was of prime 
importance), and in the next place, they imagined that the backing of the 
United States troops would give greater assurance of success than the 
undisciplined and ungovernable rabble of volunteers, of whom they had had a 
disagreeable experience in the times subsequent to their first revolution. 
Stevens was only too glad of the opportunity to act as the cat, and with a 
powerful war vessel in command of a willing tool, the setting of the game was 
easily completed.
The attitude of the American minister and his satellite, the Commander of the 
U. S. S. Boston, also the clandestine meetings at the American legation above 
referred to, were matters of public notoriety and as early as August or 
September of last year it was at first mysteriously hinted and later more openly 
asserted that the American minister would recognize without delay any 
movement for the overthrow of the monarchy and would give it the physical 
support of the men from the Boston, and it was further generally understood 
and spoken of, that the revolutionary annexationists, with Stevens and Wiltse 
(the commander of the Boston) at their backs, or more properly in the lead, 
were only waiting for a favorable opportunity to strike. The opportunity, or 
excuse, came on the 14th of January, A. D. 1893, culminating in the events of 
the 16th and 17th days of the same month. The revolutionists proclaimed a 
Provisional Government from the steps of the Government building at 2:40 
o'clock in the afternoon of the last named day, which was immediately 
recognized by Stevens with the assurance that the new Government would 
receive the support of the Boston's men who had been quartered the day before 
alongside of and in practical possession of the Government building.
The revolutionary annexationists, in justification of their action, have raised 
the old cry of 1387, of the necessity of stable government, proper

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