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Blount Report: Affairs in Hawaii

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              HAWAIIAN   ISLANDS.	989
In refusing I had assured the leaders that I would not. betray them in giving their names, but that I was opposed to 
the movement, to the overthrow of the King in particular, and that I would use whatever influence I might have in 
bringing about a compromise.
I advised the King to dismiss Mr. Gibson and appoint a ministry more in accord with public opinion, and warned 
him that in not doing so he was taking great risks. He thanked me bat assured me that he was prepared; that he 
would make no attack, but if attacked would defend himself. I once more asked him to dismiss Gibson but failed to 
persuade him. In the meantime the fighting enthusiasm of the "Honolulu Rifles" cooled down considerably when 
they heard from their spies and myself that they would get a rather hot reception at the palace.
I then volunteered to bring about a compromise and was authorized to ask the King to sign a new constitution. I 
advised him to yield, representing to him that personal government wits a thing of the past; that if he resisted, 
although I did not doubt but he was able to do so, there necessarily would be bloodshed between natives and 
foreigners, and that he risked interference from the United States. He told me that he would sign a new constitution 
if presented to him. I so reported to the leaders. The constitution was hurriedly recopied, substituting monarchy for 
republic, and the King signed it, and Mr. Thurston was intrusted with the formation of the new cabinet.
In the meantime, although I admit that the power of the King required to be curtailed, the reading of the 
enactments of the Legislature under this detested administration will convince you that no measure was ever 
neglected or opposed that possibly could assist or forward the interest of the foreign residents. The motto," Hawaii 
for the Hawaiians" never infringed on our rights except in the appointment to Government offices.
In fact the Hawaiian statute book will show from the earliest period to this very time that always due regard has 
been paid to the prosperity of the white settler, and that every care had been taken to secure their comfort and 
happiness. I do not hesitate to say that the laws of this little country, although enacted with a constant majority of 
native representatives, can compare favorably with those of any other civilized country. From 1887 has begun the 
real period of unrest.
The establishment of a republic with the intention of immediate annexation to the United States was the object of 
the revolution. Ever since the missionary party, encouraged more especially by the attitude of Mr. Stevens, has been 
conspiring against the monarchy.
Coming now to more recent events, I will consider them with absolute impartiability.
The Legislature of 1892 was protracted and agitated by constant changes of cabinet. However, two measures only 
were passed that may be considered as harmful. I refer to the opium license bill and the lottery bill. All other 
measures demanded by the foreign residents as necessary to their welfare were passed without opposition by the 
native members. The missionary party alone used bribes to recover power with the well-known object of using it to 
do what they succeeded only in doing by revolution and treachery on January 16th last. Hence the resistance of the 
Queen and her friends to let them gain and retain their power.
The opium bill was carried not only by the natives, but by a majority of the whole of the members.
When I arrived in the country, opium was licensed. Any one acquainted as 1 am with the Chinese will know that 
the license is the best

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