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2446
the moment we annexed those islands we were notified by every 
lodge of Odd Fellows and Masons and Knights of Pythias that it 
was no place for an American to stay unless he had enough money to 
take care of him as long as he wanted to remain there and to get 
away with when he tired of staying; that the labor market was 
overcrowded; that there was no place for American laborers or 
American toilers.   But in the meantime they imported, after we 
annexed the islands, 37,000 contract laborers from Asia. Now, what 
have we annexed?   We have annexed 3,083 people of American 
blood, many of them citizens of Hawaii, whose fathers went to that 
country to carry the blessings of a Christian religion, and whose 
sons had become the prosperous sugar planters of that country.    
We have annexed 5,000 or 6,000 Germans, English, 
Scandinavians, etc.   We do not know whether they will become 
citizens of the United States or not.   We have annexed about 
16,000 Portuguese, whose ancestors went to those islands as contract 
laborers from Madeira years ago, and we have annexed 32,000 
Kanakas and 8,000 mixed bloods, half Kanaka and half missionary 
and half Chinese -- Mr. GALLINGER.    That makes three halves. 
Mr. PETTIGREW.   Three halves; and we have annexed Asiatics 
by the thousand.   We have annexed 37,000 contract laborers and 
25,000 or 30,000 Asiatics who are not contract laborers, and now 
we try to flatter ourselves over the delusion that we are going to make 
a Territory in the center of the Pacific and ultimately admit it as 
a State into this Union.   Is this the material out of which an 
American State is made, with less than 1,200 voters who are 
Americans, with a population of Asiatics whose males and 
females are in the proportion of 10 to 1, for under their system of 
importing labor the contract provides that 1 woman only shall be 
brought for each 10 men. . So where they bring in 10,000 Asiatics 
they bring in 1,000 women.   Does this brothel, then, in the Pacific 
possess the elements, and will it ever possess the elements out of 
which you can construct an American State?   It is all nonsense; it 
can not be done.   We must hold them as a subject colony.   We 
must hold them as a part of an empire.   We must undertake to 
maintain under our flag two forms of government. For that reason, 
Mr. President, I would allow the Hawaiian people again, if they choose 
to do it, to set up a republic of their own and maintain it as best they 
can.   They have no right to become a part of our system.   I would 
impose duties against their products the same as we impose them 
against the rest of the world.   You can not maintain there, neither can 
you maintain in the Tropics anywhere throughout the world, the 
form of Government under which we live.   I believe that every 
people throughout the world are capable of a form of government 
best suited to them, and that they are capable of maintaining as 
good a form of government as they are entitled to; but I do not 
believe that every people wherever you may find them are capable 
of maintaining our form of Government. Therefore I am opposed 
to this expansion.   I am opposed to the acquisition of those 
islands.   I am opposed to any effort to impose a government 
upon an unwilling people who do not understand and 
comprehend our institutions.   I do not believe our flag should go 
to any land where our Constitution can not go.   It should go where 
men are capable of comprehending that Constitution and are able to 
maintain free institutions, where men live who love and adore the 
principles of the Declaration of Independence. Therefore I am 
opposed to this bill.   I am opposed to any effort that we may make 
to furnish a government for a people Who can not live under our 
institutions. Mr. CLARK of Wyoming.  1 hope the Senator will vote 
for the amendment. Mr. QUARLES.   Mr. President, I understood 
when the Senator from South Dakota rose to discuss this question 
that he was in favor of this amendment, but his argument is very 
persuasive against it.   If we have made such a wretched bargain in 
obtaining this so-called rotten borough, which for the various reasons 
mentioned by the distinguished Senator will prove like ashes in 
our hands, why should we pay a bonus now of $250,000 on the trade? 
The argument of my learned friend proves too much.   His argument 
would be in favor not of paying this solace to a deposed queen, 
but of putting the crown back on her head, placing the faded 
emblems of monarchy back in her hands; and he would have the 
Senate on this amendment consider that major question. Our 
distinguished friend has an assortment of skeletons which he 
brings periodically before this body.   I thought we had seen them 
all and had become familiar with the grewsome gyrations of each 
one.   But here is a bogy man from the Sandwich Islands, brought 
up now to harass the imagination of this body when it is simply 
considering at the end of this bill a question not germane to the 
suggestions of the distinguished Senator, but simply whether we 
shall from a supposed equity pay as a consolation to this deposed 
Queen, who has no semblance of legal right, the sum Of $250,000.

It is stated here, Mr. President, that this amendment is proposed 
without the knowledge or consent of the Queen.   On the other 
land, it is stated that she has employed her attorneys and pro-
Doses to go into the courts and enforce her claim as a legal obli-
gation.   How untimely, then, it would be for the Senate to pass 
such an amendment, which amounts to a tacit recognition of 
some legal right on her behalf.   The attorneys who are waiting to 
begin that suit would be glad that such a recognition should be given 
to her claim by this body. Now, Mr. President, there are knocking at 
the doors of Congress to-day hundreds of poor, old, maimed soldiers 
and sailors, asking us to increase their little bounty or pension, and I 
for one would much prefer to take the $250,000, which is a gratuity at 
best, and give it to those poor old cripples rather than to place the 
Queen of the Sandwich Islands on our pension rolls. Mr. BACON.   
Mr. President, I quite agree with the proposition that there can be no 
possible legal claim by the Queen against the United States 
Government or against the Hawaiian government on account of 
these Crown lands.    Whether in conscience right or wrong, the 
results of a revolution always affect legal rights, It is simply a 
question, as has been suggested by Senators who have already 
spoken upon the subject, whether under all the circumstances under 
which the Queen was deprived riot only of her crown, but of all her 
property of every sort and description anything is due in equity and 
good conscience to this deposed Queen. The circumstances I will 
not repeat, because I have no desire to fall under the criticism of 
having any disposition to speak disparagingly of any part taken by 
the United States Government in that matter. I think it would be a 
mistake to adopt the language which is in the amendment, which 
calls for a relinquishment by the Queen of her right and the execution 
of deeds to such relinquishment, because that would be a recognition 
on the part of the Government of the United States of a claim which 
she might afterwards rely upon with some degree of confidence.   I 
therefore propose to offer to the amendment submitted by the 
Senator from Wyoming an amendment, striking out certain words 
and inserting others, which I will send to the desk. The PRESIDENT 
pro tempore.   The Senator from Georgia offers an amendment, 
which will be read. The SECRETARY.   After the words "Hawaiian 
Islands," in line 4 of the printed amendment, strike out all the section 
down to and including the word "Liliuokalani," in line 8, and insert the 
words:
In full settlement of any claim for interest, legal or equitable, she may now 
have or may have had in said Crown lands or the usufruct of the same, and in 
full settlement of any and every claim she now has or may have had against the 
United States and against the Hawaiian government on any account 
whatsoever.
Mr. CLARK of Wyoming.   That accomplishes the object I intended 
by my amendment, and, so far as I am concerned, I accept the 
modification. Mr. BACON.   I understand the Senator from Wyoming 
accepts the amendment.   I simply desire to say in response to the 
suggestion of the Senator from Wisconsin [Mr. QUARLES] that this 
money practically does not come out of the coffers of the Treasury of 
the United States.   It is to be paid practically out of the revenues of 
these lands.   As stated by the Senator from Wyoming, these lands in 
1893, at the time when the Queen was deposed, were producing a 
revenue of $50,000 a year, and they are now producing a revenue of 
over $100,000 a year. . None of that fund can be devoted to the very 
laudable and excellent purposes which the Senator from Wisconsin 
has suggested.   In other words, under the law as it stands, what may 
arise from these lands will necessarily be devoted exclusively to the 
Hawaiian Islands, and this is simply subtracting from the general 
purposes now contemplated by the law for the benefit of the 
Hawaiian Islands and devoting that much of it to the compensation 
of the Queen.   So that really the United States Government will not 
pay one cent of it.   The fund, unless it is devoted in part to this 
purpose, will all go to certain purposes in the Hawaiian Islands.   If it 
is devoted to this purpose, no single dollar is subtracted from what 
will ultimately be the property or the money of the United States, but 
it is simply subtracted from what will go to certain funds and 
certain purposes in the Hawaiian Islands. Mr. SCOTT.   Will the 
Senator allow me? The PRESIDENT pro tempore.   Does the Senator 
from Georgia yield? Mr. BACON.   Certainly. Mr. SCOTT.   I rise for 
the purpose of asking the Senator a question for information.   I 
inquire if, at the time of the insurrection, all property, personal as 
well as state property, was taken from the Queen? Mr. MORGAN.   It 
was not. Mr. BACON.   I will state to the Senator from West 
Virginia that I have very little personal familiarity with this matter, 
for I had no knowledge of it until it was brought to the attention of 
the Senate to-day by the Senator from Wyoming [Mr. CLARK],

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