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order to the authorities of Hawaii not to issue any more Amer- 
ican registers?   It was done simply because the shipbuilders of 
the United States did not want competition.   If he could do that, 
however, if there was any warrant of law or any authority from 
any source which authorized him to do that, he could equally as 
well have ordered that they should stop importing slave labor, 
but that he did not see fit to do.   The property interests of the 
United States were the special interests which the President 
wished to guard and not the labor of the United States.   Conse- 
quently alter our flag went up there were imported into Hawaii 
37,000 contract laborers, who were bound to perform service un- 
der taskmasters who could decide whether they were sick or well 
enough to work during a certain number of years.   These men 
can now come to the United States from Hawaii. 
The President did not see fit to protect the labor of the United 
States against this importation of contract laborers, but he did see 
fit to stop the registration of Hawaiian ships.   Of course, Hawaii 
is a part of the United States under the provisions of this law, and 
these 37,000 Asiatic laborers can now come, without any hindrance 
whatever, to the United States, for under the provisions of this 
bill their contracts are declared null and void, and the United 
States is authorized to at once notify them of the termination of 
their contracts.   So I see no reason why large numbers of these 
men shall not immediately come to our shores to compete with 
the laborers of this country. 
This doctrine of imperialism, Mr. President, it seems to me, 
must drive the Republican party to the abandonment of the doc- 
trine of protection.   It practically has done it.   That party must 
choose between their imperial colonies, which they govern against 
the will of the people of those countries, and the protection by law 
of the American laborer.   The effort to do both will be a failure. 
The feeble pretense in the case of Porto Rico will deceive no- 
body.   Fifteen per cent of the Dingley duties is not a protection, 
and the importation of slave laborers is certainly not a measure 
of protection to the laborers of the United States.   Of course I 
know the conference report will be adopted.  We have eliminated 
from the bill many of its most pernicious features as presented 
here by the Committee on Foreign Relations.   The bill as it came 
to us provided for a large property qualification in order to vote; 
it provided for the enslavement of men who did not pay their 
taxes, for imprisonment at hard labor, and, in my opinion, pro- 
vided for the continuation of the labor contract system in that 
Territory.   I think those objectionable features have been elim- 
inated, and therefore the bill is much better than it was as it was 
first presented to us. 
The PRESIDENT pro tempore.   The question is, Will the Sen- 
ate agree to the report of the conference committee? 
The report was agreed to.      

April 26, 1900 
v. 33 (5) 
p. 4713

Issuance of Bonds in Territories: 
Mr. Shoup. I ask unanimous consent for 
the present consideration of the bill (S. 4075) 
to amend an act to prohibit the passage of 
special or local laws in the Territories, to 
limit the Territorial indebtedness, and so 
The Secretary read the bill. 
Mr. Bate. That is a very important bill, 
sir, giving power to the Territories to issue 
bonds, and it has property qualifications to 
enable citizens to vote. I do not think the 
bill ought to be disposed of in this manner 
this evening. 
The President pro tempore. The Senator from 
Tennessee objects. 
Mr. Bate. I am sorry to do it. 
Mr. Shoup. Then I ask that it may go over 
without prejudice. 
Mr. Bate. Oh certainly.

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