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4651 order to the authorities of Hawaii not to issue any more Amer- ican registers? It was done simply because the shipbuilders of the United States did not want competition. If he could do that, however, if there was any warrant of law or any authority from any source which authorized him to do that, he could equally as well have ordered that they should stop importing slave labor, but that he did not see fit to do. The property interests of the United States were the special interests which the President wished to guard and not the labor of the United States. Conse- quently alter our flag went up there were imported into Hawaii 37,000 contract laborers, who were bound to perform service un- der taskmasters who could decide whether they were sick or well enough to work during a certain number of years. These men can now come to the United States from Hawaii. The President did not see fit to protect the labor of the United States against this importation of contract laborers, but he did see fit to stop the registration of Hawaiian ships. Of course, Hawaii is a part of the United States under the provisions of this law, and these 37,000 Asiatic laborers can now come, without any hindrance whatever, to the United States, for under the provisions of this bill their contracts are declared null and void, and the United States is authorized to at once notify them of the termination of their contracts. So I see no reason why large numbers of these men shall not immediately come to our shores to compete with the laborers of this country. This doctrine of imperialism, Mr. President, it seems to me, must drive the Republican party to the abandonment of the doc- trine of protection. It practically has done it. That party must choose between their imperial colonies, which they govern against the will of the people of those countries, and the protection by law of the American laborer. The effort to do both will be a failure. The feeble pretense in the case of Porto Rico will deceive no- body. Fifteen per cent of the Dingley duties is not a protection, and the importation of slave laborers is certainly not a measure of protection to the laborers of the United States. Of course I know the conference report will be adopted. We have eliminated from the bill many of its most pernicious features as presented here by the Committee on Foreign Relations. The bill as it came to us provided for a large property qualification in order to vote; it provided for the enslavement of men who did not pay their taxes, for imprisonment at hard labor, and, in my opinion, pro- vided for the continuation of the labor contract system in that Territory. I think those objectionable features have been elim- inated, and therefore the bill is much better than it was as it was first presented to us. The PRESIDENT pro tempore. The question is, Will the Sen- ate agree to the report of the conference committee? The report was agreed to. April 26, 1900 Senate v. 33 (5) p. 4713 Issuance of Bonds in Territories: Mr. Shoup. I ask unanimous consent for the present consideration of the bill (S. 4075) to amend an act to prohibit the passage of special or local laws in the Territories, to limit the Territorial indebtedness, and so forth. The Secretary read the bill. Mr. Bate. That is a very important bill, sir, giving power to the Territories to issue bonds, and it has property qualifications to enable citizens to vote. I do not think the bill ought to be disposed of in this manner this evening. The President pro tempore. The Senator from Tennessee objects. Mr. Bate. I am sorry to do it. Mr. Shoup. Then I ask that it may go over without prejudice. Mr. Bate. Oh certainly.