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3774 If the poorest, most numerous, most Ignorant cites can be persuaded to hate the smaller class and to vote solely for the purpose of injuring them, the party manager will have achieved his end. * * * * * * A bad harvest or some disaster over which the Government can have no more influence than over the march of the planets will produce a discontent that will often govern dubious votes and may, perhaps; turn the scale in a nearly balanced election. * * * There is another and very different class who are chiefly found in towns They are the kind of men who may be seen loitering listlessly around the doors of every gin shop-men who, through drunkenness and idleness or dishonesty, have failed in the race of life; who either never possessed or have wholly lost the taste for honest, continuous work; who hang loosely on the verge of the criminal class and from whom the criminal classes are chiefly recruited. These men are not the real laborers, but their presence constitutes one of the chief difficulties and dangers of all later questions, and in every period of revolution and anarchy they are galvanized into a sudden activity. With a very low suffrage they become an important element in many constituencies. Without knowledge and without character, their Instinct will be to use the power which is given them for predatory and anarchic purposes To break up society and to obtain a new deal in the goods of life will naturally be their object. We recognize this picture. It delineates some campaigns in this country as if made to order. Business depression, a dry time in summer, an unseasonable frost, are the demagogue's opportunity, and always have been and always will be. The whittling statesman loitering at the gin-house door while his wife supports the family is not an unfamiliar figure in our civilization, and the candidate who goes about the country scattering firebrands of discontent from the rear ends of special cars has reappeared from time to time in our history and will soon again reappear in our history. But I believe there is great truth, Mr. Chairman, in the theory that the right of free expression at the polls is in the nature of a safety valve, and as to the controlling influence which Mr. Lecky thinks the creditor may exercise over the debtor, we have controlled that somewhat by the Australian ballot system, and of late, in some recent campaigns, the man with a dollar ahead has been made to feel that he actually ought to conceal the fact or apologize. To yield to the pessimistic theory that a man is not able to govern himself because of abuses here and there, would be to yield the consummation and flower of the evolution of political freedom which is typified and illustrated in our nationality, and if we can not yield it as a whole, we can not yield it in spots. Sir, there is an underlying principle at stake here, dear to the hearts of all American citizens, more important than property, more important than the Hawaiian Islands, namely, the right of every American citizen to participate in the government to which he owes allegiance. We doff our hats to no king. We make our own laws, and we rule our own political destinies. Here, between the Atlantic and the pacific, between the lakes and the Gulf, there are thousands of people, white and black, who do not possess even the educational qualification which we exact here in this bill, and yet they are entitled to vote. Macaulay somewhere satirically remarks in his history that none of those Virginia patriots who vindicated their separation from the mother country by proclaiming it to be a self-evident truth that all men were endowed by their Creator with an inalienable right to liberty would have had the slightest scruple about shooting any negro slave who had laid claim to that same inalienable right. But by the arbitrament of war since that time we have determined on many battlefields in this country that a man's a man, tho' e'er so black, that a man's a man for a' that and a' that, and although it was once, as late as 1790, held among the States of this country that the right to vote and the right to hold office were dependent, not on manhood qualifications, but on religions opinions, on acres of land, and pounds, shillings, and pence. Although it was held in Maryland, North Carolina, and South Carolina that a man must have 50 acres of land or personal property of the value of $30; In New York that a man must be worth $20 York money or pay house rent of 40s. a year, pay his taxes, and carry his tax receipt in his pocket; In Massachusetts that he must have a freehold estate yielding $3 a year or possess an estate worth $60; In Connecticut an annual income of $7 from real estate rated on the tax list at $134; In New Jersey, that a man must reside there, be of age, and have property, and in one other State the sole requirement was that the voter should have a white skin and property of the value of $10- Although such were the laws of the earlier days of our Republic, since that time we have written with a firm hand the amendments to our Constitution which lift us now above the just reproach of history, and property qualification is an obsolete antiquity. Property is not the only interest of men in the social compact. Man is something more than a mere taxpayer. He is above all a man, and the laws touch not only his held but they touch also the man. And it is one of the boasts as it is one of the bulwarks of our free American civilization that - A mon's a mon though e'er sae puir- A mon's a mon for a' that. We are called upon here Congress after Congress to vote in contested- election cases where the colored man is defrauded of his right to vote, and where the proof is ample we unseat the man who is shown to have obtained his seat by defrauding the colored man of his right to vote. How would a gentleman's speech urging the right of the colored men in the South to exercise the right to vote read in parallel columns with his speech defending the property qualification for the Hawaiians? Sir, there is force in the contention for a property qualification. It is ably defended by such men as Lecky in his Democracy and Liberty; but I do not see how we can make local exception to a great underlying rule of our Republic. We have not heretofore required a property qualification in any of our Territories, although riotous and ignorant legislation might in some instances have been apprehended. Then, sir, put the proposition to yourself. Let any man put the proposition to himself. If a man must first get an education, and then must get real estate of the value of $1,000 and carry his tax receipt in his pocket, or have obtained a position drawing $600 a year salary, how many absent minded literary beggars would have been excluded from "Fame's eternal camping ground" and had to wander down below, while some gentlemen with the money-getting instinct would have been sitting in the forum or swaggering in the public glare? It is said of the late Emory A. Storrs that some rich men were once chaffing him about the fact that he had not acquired much property. Mr. Storrs stood it for a while and then said: "Gentlemen, the money-making instinct is a mere animal trait. It is the instinct of accumulation. The chipmunk possesses it; the beaver possesses it in an eminent degree. Doubtless the rich men of Athens sat around with their thumbs in the armholes of their vests and talked about the splendid work they were doing on the Parthenon; but, gentlemen, where are the rich men of Athens to-day, and where is Phidias?" To my mind there is no true aristocracy except the aristocracy of brain. And it is true now, as it was true always, that - Kind hearts are more than coronets, And simple faith than Norman blood. And I would not be willing to put myself on record as the advocate of any government that would exclude a man from participating therein simply because he had not laid up dollars and cents. I can not give my support to a proposition which makes impecunious youth to stand longer and longer at the outer door of corporate opportunity waiting to be invited in and given a job and which makes his future subservient to some other man's money-making instinct. I do not denounce wealth. Far from it. I recognize that wealthy men are realizing their responsibilities to society now as they never have before. Some of the work of wealth now-a-days is magnificent, superb. I know of their charities, I read of their magnanimity, and I realize that immunity from hard manual toil gives greater oppor- tunity for reading and thought, and in some instances leads to brain expansion - in fewer instances to heart expansion. But the men who have appeared on earth heretofore apparently charged with a message from God to the whole of mankind, who have been raised up as leaders in great crises, have come up from tow-paths, tanyards, from lonely frontier cabins, and from mangers, and I will not vote to put the property O. K. mark on any man's struggle upward. Let me supplement the subserviency of Mr. Paley and the pessimisms of Mr. Lecky with the splendid words of Lamartine: When there is no election every man is a slave or a serf. When the election is limited to a small number of citizens, some are sovereigns and others are subjects; when the election pertains to all, no one is subject, no one is serf, no one is slave. All are free and more than free; all are citizens and more than citizens; all are kings. That is the ideal republic; and in my humble opinion, gentlemen, if we fall away from that ideal of the Republic, the Republic is in danger. [Applause.] CHINESE EXCLUSION AND CONTRACT LABOR. The Hawaiian Islands.are now occupied by the following races and nationalities: Hawaiians and mixed blood ................ ................................................................ 39,000 Japanese....................... ........................................ ............................................ 25,000 Chinese........................................ ...................................................................... 21,000 Portuguese....................................... ................................................................... 15,000 Americans ................................ .......................................................................... 4,000 British....................................... ........................................................................... 2,250 Germans and other Europeans.............................. ................................................. 2,000 Polynesians and miscellaneous ...... .............................. ......................................... 1,250 Total ................................ ................................................................................ 109,500